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Devil's Knob

"His eyes were as red as the devil's dick"

projections of the mind

Posts tagged police:

A consistent theme in all these disparate news stories is the demise of the presumption of innocence. For those in already criminalized communities, this loss amounts to the abandonment of due process under the law. To presume that everybody is guilty of something is to license responses that assume no need for proof; it undoes our system of justice by validating the notion that we know from the outset what guilt looks like. It enables a literal rush to judgment. It unleashes a killing instinct that shrugs at tragedy as “hindsight.”

The presumption of innocence allows for a moment of collective hesitation before we indulge the voices in our heads—the stereotypes as well as the archetypes that inevitably inflect a culture. It is the collective deep breath that allows us to imagine the humanity in each of us, the possibility of mistake. Crime happens. But despite the horrific rates of segregation, violence, incarceration and inequality at every stratum of our nation, we are not yet in a full-blown war against ourselves. To reorganize the structures and expectations of civil society as though we were, however, assures the same, and locks us into the unbreachability of a dangerously deepening divide.

Back in Brooklyn, demonstrators against New York’s stop-and-frisk policy have merged with those who mourn Kimani Gray. There have been calls—by a familiar cast of noisy people, disgruntled people, black people, poor people, weary people, people smelling of grief and despair—for sixteen days of street protest, a day for each year of Gray’s life. In response, police have erected barriers and nets to contain what they feel will be rioting and looting.

—Patricia J. Williams, Kimani Gray: Guilty Until Proven Innocent (via theraceproblem)

(via theraceproblem-deactivated20130)

The most beautiful sculpture is a paving-stone thrown at a cop’s head.

—Mai 68 Graffiti (via revolutionaryhopes)

(via fuckyeahanarchopunk)

rvanews:

Video of an arrest at Shamrock the Block

anarcho-queer:

Why Police Lie Under Oath
THOUSANDS of people plead guilty to crimes every year in the United States because they know that the odds of a jury’s believing their word over a police officer’s are slim to none. As a juror, whom are you likely to believe: the alleged criminal in an orange jumpsuit or two well-groomed police officers in uniforms who just swore to God they’re telling the truth, the whole truth and nothing but? As one of my colleagues recently put it, “Everyone knows you have to be crazy to accuse the police of lying.”
But are police officers necessarily more trustworthy than alleged criminals? I think not. Not just because the police have a special inclination toward confabulation, but because, disturbingly, they have an incentive to lie. In this era of mass incarceration, the police shouldn’t be trusted any more than any other witness, perhaps less so.
That may sound harsh, but numerous law enforcement officials have put the matter more bluntly. Peter Keane, a former San Francisco Police commissioner, wrote an article in The San Francisco Chronicle decrying a police culture that treats lying as the norm: “Police officer perjury in court to justify illegal dope searches is commonplace. One of the dirty little not-so-secret secrets of the criminal justice system is undercover narcotics officers intentionally lying under oath. It is a perversion of the American justice system that strikes directly at the rule of law. Yet it is the routine way of doing business in courtrooms everywhere in America.”
The New York City Police Department is not exempt from this critique. In 2011, hundreds of drug cases were dismissed after several police officers were accused of mishandling evidence. That year, Justice Gustin L. Reichbach of the State Supreme Court in Brooklyn condemned a widespread culture of lying and corruption in the department’s drug enforcement units. “I thought I was not naïve,” he said when announcing a guilty verdict involving a police detective who had planted crack cocaine on a pair of suspects. “But even this court was shocked, not only by the seeming pervasive scope of misconduct but even more distressingly by the seeming casualness by which such conduct is employed.”
Remarkably, New York City officers have been found to engage in patterns of deceit in cases involving charges as minor as trespass. In September it was reported that the Bronx district attorney’s office was so alarmed by police lying that it decided to stop prosecuting people who were stopped and arrested for trespassing at public housing projects, unless prosecutors first interviewed the arresting officer to ensure the arrest was actually warranted. Jeannette Rucker, the chief of arraignments for the Bronx district attorney, explained in a letter that it had become apparent that the police were arresting people even when there was convincing evidence that they were innocent. To justify the arrests, Ms. Rucker claimed, police officers provided false written statements, and in depositions, the arresting officers gave false testimony.
Mr. Keane, in his Chronicle article, offered two major reasons the police lie so much. First, because they can. Police officers “know that in a swearing match between a drug defendant and a police officer, the judge always rules in favor of the officer.” At worst, the case will be dismissed, but the officer is free to continue business as usual. Second, criminal defendants are typically poor and uneducated, often belong to a racial minority, and often have a criminal record.  “Police know that no one cares about these people,” Mr. Keane explained.
All true, but there is more to the story than that.
Police departments have been rewarded in recent years for the sheer numbers of stops, searches and arrests. In the war on drugs, federal grant programs like the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program have encouraged state and local law enforcement agencies to boost drug arrests in order to compete for millions of dollars in funding. Agencies receive cash rewards for arresting high numbers of people for drug offenses, no matter how minor the offenses or how weak the evidence. Law enforcement has increasingly become a numbers game. And as it has, police officers’ tendency to regard procedural rules as optional and to lie and distort the facts has grown as well. Numerous scandals involving police officers lying or planting drugs — in Tulia, Tex. and Oakland, Calif., for example — have been linked to federally funded drug task forces eager to keep the cash rolling in.
Read More

anarcho-queer:

Why Police Lie Under Oath

THOUSANDS of people plead guilty to crimes every year in the United States because they know that the odds of a jury’s believing their word over a police officer’s are slim to none. As a juror, whom are you likely to believe: the alleged criminal in an orange jumpsuit or two well-groomed police officers in uniforms who just swore to God they’re telling the truth, the whole truth and nothing but? As one of my colleagues recently put it, “Everyone knows you have to be crazy to accuse the police of lying.”

But are police officers necessarily more trustworthy than alleged criminals? I think not. Not just because the police have a special inclination toward confabulation, but because, disturbingly, they have an incentive to lie. In this era of mass incarceration, the police shouldn’t be trusted any more than any other witness, perhaps less so.

That may sound harsh, but numerous law enforcement officials have put the matter more bluntly. Peter Keane, a former San Francisco Police commissioner, wrote an article in The San Francisco Chronicle decrying a police culture that treats lying as the norm: “Police officer perjury in court to justify illegal dope searches is commonplace. One of the dirty little not-so-secret secrets of the criminal justice system is undercover narcotics officers intentionally lying under oath. It is a perversion of the American justice system that strikes directly at the rule of law. Yet it is the routine way of doing business in courtrooms everywhere in America.

The New York City Police Department is not exempt from this critique. In 2011, hundreds of drug cases were dismissed after several police officers were accused of mishandling evidence. That year, Justice Gustin L. Reichbach of the State Supreme Court in Brooklyn condemned a widespread culture of lying and corruption in the department’s drug enforcement units. “I thought I was not naïve,” he said when announcing a guilty verdict involving a police detective who had planted crack cocaine on a pair of suspects. “But even this court was shocked, not only by the seeming pervasive scope of misconduct but even more distressingly by the seeming casualness by which such conduct is employed.

Remarkably, New York City officers have been found to engage in patterns of deceit in cases involving charges as minor as trespass. In September it was reported that the Bronx district attorney’s office was so alarmed by police lying that it decided to stop prosecuting people who were stopped and arrested for trespassing at public housing projects, unless prosecutors first interviewed the arresting officer to ensure the arrest was actually warranted. Jeannette Rucker, the chief of arraignments for the Bronx district attorney, explained in a letter that it had become apparent that the police were arresting people even when there was convincing evidence that they were innocent. To justify the arrests, Ms. Rucker claimed, police officers provided false written statements, and in depositions, the arresting officers gave false testimony.

Mr. Keane, in his Chronicle article, offered two major reasons the police lie so much. First, because they can. Police officers “know that in a swearing match between a drug defendant and a police officer, the judge always rules in favor of the officer.” At worst, the case will be dismissed, but the officer is free to continue business as usual. Second, criminal defendants are typically poor and uneducated, often belong to a racial minority, and often have a criminal record.  “Police know that no one cares about these people,” Mr. Keane explained.

All true, but there is more to the story than that.

Police departments have been rewarded in recent years for the sheer numbers of stops, searches and arrests. In the war on drugs, federal grant programs like the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program have encouraged state and local law enforcement agencies to boost drug arrests in order to compete for millions of dollars in funding. Agencies receive cash rewards for arresting high numbers of people for drug offenses, no matter how minor the offenses or how weak the evidence. Law enforcement has increasingly become a numbers game. And as it has, police officers’ tendency to regard procedural rules as optional and to lie and distort the facts has grown as well. Numerous scandals involving police officers lying or planting drugs — in Tulia, Tex. and Oakland, Calif., for example — have been linked to federally funded drug task forces eager to keep the cash rolling in.

Read More

(via anok4uok)

Fugitive Summons Issued for U.S. Black Anarchist, Lorenzo Komboa Ervin

Greetings,

In an attempt to disrupt the anti-police brutality work in Memphis, Tenn.,
USA. and the city’s March 30 Anti-Klan protest, the Hamilton County
Sheriff’s department in Chattanooga, Tenn. (very likely working with other
law enforcement agencies in Tennessee), has issued a “fugitive” summons for
U.S. black anarchist, Lorenzo Komboa Ervin. He is the author of *Anarchism
and the Black Revolution *and the co-founder of the Black Autonomy
Federation, whose chapter in Memphis has organized several protests against
police brutality and made the national call for the upcoming Anti-Klan
protest.

*Background*

The summons stems from court costs the county claims that Lorenzo owes in
connection with a 12-year-old misdemeanor conviction.  Damon McGee, Mikail
Musa Muhammad (Ralph P. Mitchell), and Lorenzo  were convicted in January,
2001, for disrupting a Chattanooga (Tenn.) City Council meeting in 1998
where they went to protest against police brutality. At the time,
Chattanooga had the highest number of people killed by police in U.S.
cities with populations under 200.000..

Damon has also received a “fugitive” summons. Mikail died in 2006. There is
no statute of limitations in the U.S. on the collection of court  fees and
fines, and Damon and Lorenzo could be arrested at any time.

The Chattanooga 3, as  they were called, were convicted for violating
Tennessee’s “Disrupting Meetings Law,” which makes it illegal for anyone by
“physical action or verbal utterance” to  interfere with a lawful meeting.
The law should be declared unconstitutional because it violates the First
Amendment rights of free speech and assembly.

At the May 19, 1998 city council meeting, the chairman of the council had
agreed to allow Lorenzo to speak on behalf  of the Coalition Against Police
Brutality  to present a proposal for community control of the police. More
than 100 people packed the meeting to back the proposal. But when the time
came, the city council president would not allow Lorenzo to speak. Police
arrested him when he attempted to read the proposal from the speaker’s
podium. Damon and Mikail, who were at the podium with Lorenzo, were also
arrested.

The Chattanooga 3 went on trial in a kangaroo courtroom. For one thing, the
jury pool was tainted. One juror was a neighbor of the prosecutor. Worse, a
married couple was on the same jury pool! The judge refused to allow
defense attorneys to use the First Amendment in arguing their cases.

The conspiracy against the Chattanooga 3 became crystal clear after
sheriff’s deputies allowed a black man to bring a gun into the courtroom.
The man, who said he was a supporter of Osama Bin Laden, claimed that
Lorenzo told him to bring the gun to the courtroom. The defendants had to
remove some of the jurors prior to jury deliberations because of this
prejudicial orchestrated event.

The Chattanooga 3 had support from activists around the world, who sent
hundreds of emails to the Hamilton County district attorney. This
international support and the fact that two days prior to sentencing,
supporters held a big rally in Chattanooga that was widely publicized in
the ruling class media, forced the judge to give the three activists
suspended sentences.

The Chattanooga 3 case was Lorenzo’s second conviction for violating the
disruption meetings law. In 1994, he and another activist were convicted
for protesting against police brutality across the street from a memorial
service for police held in Chattanooga in 1993. In this case, the Tennessee
Supreme Court refused to hear Lorenzo’s appeal.


*What You Can Do To Help:*

1. Contact  Criminal Court Judge Rebecca Stern, who presided over the
Chattanooga 3 trial. Email , call or fax her and demand that she withdraw
the “fugitive”  summonses issued for Lorenzo and Damon McGee. Send email
using the URL below.
 http://www.hamiltontn.gov/EmailForm.aspx

If you are in the U,S., call Stern at (423)209-7500 or send a fax to her at
(423)209-7501.

2. Make protests to Hamilton County Sheriff Jim Hammond, using the URL
below for email)
http://www.hcsheriff.gov/feedback/feedback.php

Call the sheriff at( (423)209-7000, or send a fax to (423)209-7001 (if you
are in the U.S.)

3. Circulate this email widely to ABC, autononmist and left groups around
the U.S.and internationally.


Peace and love,
JoNina Ervin
Acting Chair
Memphis Black Autonomy Federation

P.O. Box 16382
Memphis, Tennessee USA 38186-0382
email: organize.the.hood@gmail.com
(901)674-8430

active-rva:

A resolution to create a Citizen Advisory Commission on Alternatives to Incarceration is going to October 22nd’s City Council meeting for a vote. The full text is in PDF format through the title link. 

Basically, the commission would present recommendations to the City Council relating to the new jail, the criminal code, and the well being of neighborhoods surrounding the new jail (the ‘Justice Center’). There would be fifteen members, eight selected by City Council (one of that number will be a nonvoting commission member) and seven selected by the mayor. Terms last two years.

I fear that, while this is a good idea, it’ll go the way of the Richmond Anti-Poverty Commission; producing excellent solutions, but ignored by Council and the Mayor. We’ll see. 

(via mokarnage)

itsthemusicpeople:

Berkeley police officer threatens to shoot citizen during the eviction of Occupy Berkeley

After hearing “what is your fucking badge number?” and “…still winning!” an officer tells this camera person/citizen media dude of Berkeley, CA “You need to back up. You may not understand this ‘til I use this [gesturing his giant fucking weapon], but you’re gonna back up.”

(via fuckyeahmarxismleninism)

fuckyeahmarxismleninism:

A months-long investigation by The Associated Press has revealed that the NYPD operates far outside its borders and targets ethnic communities in ways that would run afoul of civil liberties rules if practiced by the federal government. And it does so with unprecedented help from the CIA in a partnership that has blurred the bright line between foreign and domestic spying.

Neither the city council, which finances the department, nor the federal government, which contributes hundreds of millions of dollars each year, is told exactly what’s going on.

The department has dispatched teams of undercover officers, known as “rakers,” into minority neighborhoods as part of a human mapping program, according to officials directly involved in the program. They’ve monitored daily life in bookstores, bars, cafes and nightclubs. Police have also used informants, known as “mosque crawlers,” to monitor sermons, even when there’s no evidence of wrongdoing. NYPD officials have scrutinized imams and gathered intelligence on cab drivers and food cart vendors, jobs often done by Muslims.

Many of these operations were built with help from the CIA, which is prohibited from spying on Americans but was instrumental in transforming the NYPD’s intelligence unit.

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